Ninety days is not a long time in geopolitics, but it is enough to change how a region views food. The Iran–Israel–US conflict has revealed how much the Gulf's food security depends on a few shipping lanes, some ports, and a small group of insurers.
Public commentary now concedes that the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) faces its biggest food challenge since 2008, with over 70% of supplies still passing through the Strait of Hormuz, even though traffic has dropped sharply and war-risk premiums have increased (
more details here). One overlooked point is that the next 60 to 70 days could also be the start of a five-year shift if the region treats every emergency fix as a model for a new way of operating.
The initial responses have focused on stabilizing shelves through the UAE's logistics support and price controls, Saudi Arabia's food-security buffers, and heightened monitoring elsewhere. The next phase must be more comprehensive. It should address logistics, reserves, production, and finance simultaneously, integrating them into a unified digital infrastructure. This infrastructure will turn improvisation into repeatable strategies: determining which routes to use, which silos to access, which subsidy tools to activate, and when to do so. In other words, the same conflict that revealed vulnerabilities in the GCC's food system can, if approached thoughtfully, help build its long-term resilience.
Choosing the right bypass corridorsThe first portfolio decision is geographic: if Hormuz is compromised or prohibitively expensive, where and how does the food move? The answer is not a single alternative but several, each with distinct capacity, cost, and risk profiles. Fujairah in the UAE, the Omani ports of Salalah, Sohar, and Duqm, Saudi Arabia's Red Sea ports, and third-country staging hubs all play different roles. Treating them as a portfolio, rather than as emergency bolt-ons, is the starting point for turning today's detours into tomorrow's main routes.
Bypass Corridor ComparisonCorridor | Capacity snapshot | Timeline | Cost type | Key risks |
Fujairah (UAE) (also see here) | Silos 275–300k MT; 720k TEU/yr (to 1.3M by 2030) | Days–weeks | OPEX-heavy; CAPEX for expansion | Congestion; limited vs Jebel Ali |
Oman (Salalah/Sohar/Duqm) + trucking | Salalah ~3.3M TEU (cap ~6.5M); 100–300k tons/mo overland | Immediate; scale in weeks | OPEX surge | Port queues, truck shortages, and customs friction |
Saudi Red Sea + Landbridge | Designed for high capacity; rail target >50M t/yr (future) | Almost immediate by road, rail, and multi-year | High OPEX (road); CAPEX rail | Red Sea security; inland bottlenecks |
Air cargo | Minimal volume; fast | Immediate | Very high OPEX | Unsustainable; limited aircraft |
T57 analysis outlines the available bypass options, emphasizing that while immediate alternatives exist, they come with significant operational risks and cost premiums.Over the next five years, GCC governments can secure these alternatives through physical infrastructure such as rail links, including the Saudi Landbridge, expanded silos in Fujairah and Duqm, and bonded trucking fleets from Omani ports, as well as soft infrastructure such as harmonized customs procedures and "green lane" agreements for food cargo. Importantly, these are not just physical investments; they are data challenges. To maximize corridor efficiency, the region will need a shared understanding of real-time port capacity, inland bottlenecks, truck and reefer availability, and risk levels along each route.
Building smarter reserves and more local productionOn the reserves front, the goal is to move from static stockpiles to flexible, regionally coordinated buffers. Today,
the UAE reports 4–6 months of coverage in core staples,
Kuwait has over six months, and others have "several months," but these figures are rarely coordinated across borders. A GCC-wide strategic reserve framework—building on existing facilities at places like Hamad Port and Fujairah—could pool storage capacity, establish mutual-aid rules, and facilitate joint rotation of stocks to cut waste and costs. The key is to position a larger portion of these reserves outside the Strait of Hormuz, at the Indian Ocean and Red Sea gateways, so they can be replenished even when the upper Gulf is under stress.
At the same time, the Gulf's production capacity can grow more than the desert stereotype suggests.
Qatar's Baladna story of airlifting thousands of cows and achieving self-sufficiency in fresh milk within about a year of the 2017 blockade is often mentioned because it captures people's imaginations, but its deeper lesson is that controlled-environment agriculture (CEA), intensive dairy, poultry, greenhouse vegetables, and aquaculture can all expand quickly when supported by capital and policy. Current research indicates a phased approach: starting with public–private pilots in CEA and aquaculture over the next 0–6 months, increasing domestic capacity over 6–24 months, and implementing water-for-agriculture solutions (such as dedicated desalination output and tertiary-treated wastewater) over two to five years.
What transforms this from a simple shopping list into a strategic plan is the use of sequencing and triggers. The same dashboards that monitor corridor capacity should immediately display days of wheat cover in Kuwait, vegetable availability in Bahrain, or feed stocks for Baladna-style dairy operations in Qatar. When those indicators reach pre-agreed thresholds, specific logistics and reserve maneuvers, such as releasing stocks, rerouting vessels, or toggling subsidies, should trigger automatically.
A cooperation and finance toolkit built for conflictNone of this comes cheap.
War-risk insurance premiums in the Gulf have already jumped, sometimes quadrupling, as hull war cover has risen from roughly 0.25% to as high as 1% of a vessel's value for a week's coverage. Freight rates have risen across sea and air cargo, and fertilizer and LNG shocks are working their way into global food costs
(more details here). To manage this without triggering a fiscal crisis or consumer backlash, the GCC needs a purpose-built toolkit for cooperation and finance.
Joint procurement and storage MOUs are the quickest wins: they formalize the informal cooperation already evident during crises and enable smaller states like Bahrain or Kuwait to utilize the negotiating power and infrastructure of larger neighbors. War-risk facilities and surcharge absorption funds are more politically challenging, but they are exactly what can prevent the Gulf from experiencing a sudden surge in double-digit food inflation. The key is that these instruments are connected to data: they should be activated by real-time metrics such as insurance quotes, freight indices, and CPI trends, rather than by ad hoc cabinet debates.
Wiring it all into a shared digital backboneIn all these efforts, the common factor is information. The GCC does not just need more silos or ships; it needs a shared nervous system. That means a digital backbone capable of processing vessel locations, port congestion data, reserve levels, market prices, war-risk premiums, and even satellite or IoT feeds from greenhouses and aquaculture farms. On top of this data layer, the region can formalize its 0–6-month, 6–24-month, and 2–5-year strategies as algorithms: if–then logic and scenario trees that convert a shock into a sequenced response.
Platforms like T57 are well-positioned to become that central hub. Originally designed as trading and intelligence platforms, they gather real-time price signals, logistics data, and commodity flows across various routes. With proper mandates and integrations, these platforms can become the GCC's food security "operating system": a place where ministries, state-owned buyers, large retailers, shipping lines, and financiers share the same information and respond to the same indicators. Instead of a ministry calling a trader to ask "what are you seeing?", a rules engine can automatically redirect cargoes to Fujairah when Hormuz risk exceeds a certain threshold, trigger a joint-procurement tender when a group of countries' days of cover drops below an agreed minimum, or suggest tapping into pooled reserves before resorting to more costly airlift options.
Over five years, this digitalization of decision-making could become the Gulf's lasting strategic advantage. While other import-dependent regions will also scramble to secure routes, reserves, and production, few can match the GCC's combination of capital, logistics, geography, and governance capacity. If these strengths are connected through a unified infrastructure, with platforms like T57 acting as the orchestrator of trigger-based actions, the region can serve as a global model of hybrid, sensor-driven food-security management. The question now is whether to see the current crisis as a one-time event or as the moment when the Gulf quietly begins to rewrite the rules of how a desert sustains itself.